Experimental Approaches to Phonology---Preface

Experimental approaches to phonology focuses on two central facets:
(1)One focus is on the experimental methods which are foundational to testing hypotheses concerning speakers’ and listeners’ knowledge of their native sound systems, the acquisition of those systems, and the laws that govern sound systems.
In recent years there has been increased use of experimental methods in phonology along with the rise of new techniques. There are several factors responsible for this change.
---(a)Phonology is addressing increasingly diverse questions, so phonology needs to be multifaceted in its methods.
---(b)Technologies relevant to phonological inquiry continue to evolve, as does the availability of large-scale linguistic corpora; new technologies and databases open up new opportunities, new questions, and new grounds on which to test hypotheses.
---(c)Phonological inquiry should be embedded within a framework informed by the biological, social, and cognitive sciences; application of standardized experimental techniques from these disciplines allows us to account for phonological structure in ways that are both consistent with established knowledge in these fields and able to provide a unified account of language and speech.
---(d)A clear demonstration that we understand phonetic and phonological principles is the ability to model relevant behaviors and patterns.
(2)A second focus is on the phonological findings that emerge from the use of experimental techniques and their theoretical implications. This is not a “how to” volme on methods in phonology, but is rather a volume on the types of answers and insights into phonological structure and phonological knowledge provided by experimental approaches to phonology.

Experimental approaches to phonology is organized in terms of major phonological issues:
◎ Explain phonological universals.
◎ Understand the phonetic factors that may give rise to phonological change.
◎ Maintain, enhance, and model phonological contrast.
◎ Assess phonological knowledge.
And techniques are applied to these core issues:
◎ Traditional field methods---Hyman.
◎ Psycholinguistic methods---Derwing; Grønnum and Basbøll; Nooteboom and Quené; M. Ohala.
◎ Corpus-based methods---Kohler; Maddieson; Pycha; Inkelas, and Sprouse.
◎ Aerodynamic and articulatory methods---Bonaventura and Fujimura; Busà; Demolin; Solé.
◎ Acoustic-perceptual methods---Beddor, Brasher, and Narayan; Blevins; Roengpitya; Shin.
◎ Statistical and modeling methods---Engstrand, Frid, and Lindblom; Fujisaki, Gu, and Ohno; Johnson; Nearey and Assmann; Schwartz, Boë, and Abry; Vaissière.
The specific contributions demonstrate that the application of well-established methods from other disciplines to phonology has created new theoretical perspectives that have changed the window through which we view phonology.
There are five parts in Experimental Approaches to Phonology:
Part I delineate various theoretical considerations and provide background concerning the application of methods from other sciences.
Part II, “phonological universals”, are concerned with providing explanations for the similarities that hold across the sound systems of many of the world’s languages.
Part III, “phonetic variation and phonological change”, use experimental methods to illustrate the principle that sound changes due to universal phonetic and cognitive factors have their origins in synchronic variation.
Part IV, “modeling, maintaining, and enhancing phonological contrast”, address how phonological contrasts or features can be modeled and how they are manifested in the phonetic domain.
Part V, “phonotactic and phonological knowledge”, demonstrate the use of psycholinguistic, phonetic, and corpora-based methods to test fundamental claims concerning speakers’ and listeners’knowledge of phonological processes and representations.
Rigorous argumentation often depends on integrating data from an array of traditonally distinct disciplines. John Ohala thinks that experimental phonology might involve any number of methods but is characterized by the experimentalist’s chief concern with “taking as much care as possible to refine one’s beliefs”. He has encouraged generations of researchers to be imaginative, to look to other disciplines for methods that enrich the study of phonology, and to test hypotheses against evidence from novel, non-traditional sources.

Cognitive Phonology. (quoted from wikipedia)

Cognitive phonology is usually thought of as the study of the ‘sound systems’ of languages. It is an attempt to classify various correspondences between morphemes and phonetic sequences and is a part of cognitive grammar. One attractive feature of cognitive phonology is that other aspects of grammar are directly accessible due to its subordinate relationship with cognitive grammar; thus making relationships between phonology and various aspects of syntax, semantics and pragmatics feasible.

Cognitive Linguistics. (quoted from wikipedia)

In linguistics and cognitive science, cognitive linguistics (CL) refers to the school of linguistics that understands language creation, learning, and usage as best explained by reference to human cognition in general. It is characterized by adherence to three central positions. First, it denies that there is an autonomous linguistic faculty in the mind; second, it understands grammar in terms of conceptualization; and third, it claims that knowledge of language arises out of language use.
Cognitive linguists deny that the mind has any module for language-acquisition that is unique and autonomous. This stands in contrast to the work done in the field of generative grammar. Although cognitive linguists do not necessarily deny that part of the human linguistic ability is innate, they deny that it is separate from the rest of cognition. Thus, they argue that knowledge of linguistic phenomena — i.e., phonemes, morphemes, and syntax — is essentially conceptual in nature. Moreover, they argue that the storage and retrieval of linguistic data is not significantly different from the storage and retrieval of other knowledge, and use of language in understanding employs similar cognitive abilities as used in other non-linguistic tasks.
Departing from the tradition of truth-conditional semantics, cognitive linguists view meaning in terms of conceptualization. Instead of viewing meaning in terms of models of the world, they view it in terms of mental spaces.
Finally, cognitive linguistics argues that language is both embodied and situated in a specific environment. This can be considered a moderate offshoot of the Sapir-Whorf hypothesis, in that language and cognition mutually influence one another, and are both embedded in the experiences and environments of its users.
§Areas of study§
Cognitive linguistics is divided into three main areas of study:
Cognitive semantics, dealing mainly with lexical semantics
Cognitive approaches to grammar, dealing mainly with syntax, morphology and other traditionally more grammar-oriented areas.
Cognitive phonology.
Aspects of cognition that are of interest to cognitive linguists include:
Construction grammar and cognitive grammar.
Conceptual metaphor and conceptual blending.
Image schemas and force dynamics.
Conceptual organization: Categorization, Metonymy, Frame semantics, and Iconicity.
Construal and Subjectivity.
Gesture and sign language.
Linguistic relativism.
Cognitive neuroscience.
Related work that interfaces with many of the above themes:
Computational models of metaphor and language acquisition.
Psycholinguistics research.
Conceptual semantics, pursued by generative linguist Ray Jackendoff is related because of its active psychological realism and the incorporation of prototype structure and images.
Cognitive linguistics, more than generative linguistics, seeks to mesh together these findings into a coherent whole. A further complication arises because the terminology of cognitive linguistics is not entirely stable, both because it is a relatively new field and because it interfaces with a number of other disciplines.
Insights and developments from cognitive linguistics are becoming accepted ways of analysing literary texts, too. Cognitive Poetics, as it has become known, has become an important part of modern stylistics. The best summary of the discipline as it is currently stands is Peter Stockwell's Cognitive Poetics.

Double Consonant.=Gemination.(wikipedia)

In phonetics, gemination happens when a spoken consonant is pronounced for an audibly longer period of time than a short consonant.
Consonant length is distinctive in some languages, for instance Arabic, Estonian(愛沙尼亞語), Finnish, Russian, Hebrew, Hungarian, Italian, Japanese, Latin, and Luganda. Most languages (including English) do not have distinctive long consonants. Vowel length is distinctive in more languages than consonant length.
Gemination in phonology
Lengthened fricatives, nasals, laterals, approximants, and trills are simply prolonged. In lengthened stops, the "hold" is prolonged. Long consonants are usually around one and a half or two times as long as short consonants, depending on the language. Consonant length is phonemic in Finnish: For example, takka [ˈtakːa] (transcribed with the length sign IPA: [ː] or with a doubled sign [ˈtakka]), 'fireplace', but taka [ˈtaka], 'back'.
In some languages, e.g., Italian, Swedish, Faroese(法羅語), Icelandic and Luganda, consonant length and vowel length depend on each other. That is, a short vowel within a stressed syllable almost always precedes a long consonant or a consonant cluster, whereas a long vowel must be followed by a short consonant.
In other languages, such as Finnish or Japanese, consonant length and vowel length are independent of each other. In Finnish, both are phonemic, such that taka /taka/ "back", takka /takːa/ "fireplace", taakka /taːkːa/ "burden", and so forth are different, unrelated words; this distinction is traceable all the way back to Proto-Uralic. Finnish consonant length is also affected by consonant gradation. Another important phenomenon is that sandhi produces long consonants to word boundaries from an archiphonemic glottal stop, for example otaʔ se → /otasːe/ "take it!"
Distinctive consonant length is usually restricted to certain consonants. There are very few languages that have initial consonant length; among them are Pattani Malay, Chuukese, a few Romance languages such as Sicilian and Neapolitan, and many of the High Alemannic German dialects (such as Thurgovian). Some African languages, such as Setswana and Luganda, also have initial consonant length—in fact initial consonant length is very common in Luganda and is used to indicate certain grammatical features. In spoken Finnish and in spoken Italian, long consonants are produced between words by sandhi effects.
Among stops and fricatives, in most languages only voiceless consonants occur geminated.
In various languages
English
In English phonology, consonant length is not distinctive within root words. For instance, 'baggage' is pronounced /ˈbæɡɪdʒ/, not /bæɡːɪdʒ/. Phonetic gemination occurs marginally.
However, gemination does occur across words when the last consonant in a given word and the first consonant in the following word are the same fricative, nasal, or plosive. For instance:
calm man [kɑːˈmːæn]
this saddle [ðɪˈsːædəl]
black coat [blæˈkːoʊt]
back kick [ˈbækːɪk]
With affricates, however, this does not occur. For instance:
orange juice [ˈɒrɪndʒ dʒuːs]
In some dialects gemination is also found when the suffix -ly follows a root ending in -l or -ll, as in:
solely [soʊlːi]
In most instances, the absence of this doubling does not affect the meaning, though it may confuse the listener momentarily. Notable examples where the doubling does affect the meaning are the pairs "unaimed" [ʌnˈeɪmd] versus "unnamed" [ʌˈnːeɪmd], and "holy" [hoʊli] versus "wholly" [ˈhoʊlːi]. (The latter two are identical in many areas, however.)
Estonian
Estonian has three phonemic lengths; however, the third length is a suprasegmental feature, which is as much tonal patterning as a length distinction. It is traceable to allophony caused by now-deleted suffixes, for example half-long linna < *linnan "of the city" vs. overlong linna < *linnahan "to the city".
Greek
In Ancient Greek, consonant length was distinctive, e.g., μέλω [mélɔː] "I am of interest" vs. μέλλω [mélːɔː] "I am going to".
The distinction has been lost in Standard Modern Greek, except in dialects such as the Cypriot-Greek dialect spoken in Cyprus, in varieties of the Aegean sea and elsewhere.
Hungarian
In Hungarian, consonant length is distinctive. For example megy means go, while meggy means sour cherry.
Italian
In Standard Italian, consonant and vowel length are distinctive. For example, "bevve" means "he/she drank", while "beve" means "he/she drinks/is drinking". Tonic syllables are bimoraic and are therefore composed of either a long vowel in an open syllable (beve) or a short vowel in a closed syllable (bevve). Double consonants occur not only within words but at word boundaries, where they are pronounced but not necessarily written: "chi + sa" = "chissà'" (who knows) [kis'sa] and "vado a casa" (I am going home) pronounced [va:do akkaza]. See syntactic doubling.
Japanese
In Japanese, consonant length is distinctive. For example, 来た(kita) means 'came; arrived', while 切った(kitta) means 'cut; sliced'.
Latin
In Latin, consonant length was distinctive, e.g., anus "ring" vs. annus "year".
Gemination still occurs in Italian and Catalan, but has been completely lost in French and Spanish.
Polish
In Polish, consonant length is distinctive. For example,
rodziny – 'of the family'; rodzinny' – adjective of 'family'
Grecy – 'Greeks' (noun); greccy – 'Greek' (adjective) — in fact it is pronounced [grɛt​͡st​͡sɨ].
Russian
In Russian, consonant length (indicated with two letters, as in ванна [ˈvannə] 'bathtub') may occur in several situations.
Word formation or conjugation: длина ([ˈdlʲinə] 'length') → длинный ([ˈdlʲinnɨj] 'long')
Phonological alternations:
высший ([ˈvɨʂːɨj] 'highest').[1]
Wagiman
In Wagiman, an indigenous Australian language, consonant length in stops is the primary phonetic feature that differentiates fortis and lenis stops. Wagiman does not have phonetic voice. Word-initial and word-final stops never contrast for length.
Writing
In written language, consonant length is often indicated by writing a consonant twice ("ss", "kk", "pp", and so forth), but can also be indicated with a special symbol, such as the shadda in Arabic, or sokuon in Japanese. Estonian uses 'b', 'd', 'g' for short consonants, and 'p', 't', 'k' and 'pp', 'tt', 'kk' are used for long consonants.
In the International Phonetic Alphabet, long consonants are normally written using the triangular colon ː, e.g., [penːe], though doubled letters are also used (especially for underlying phonemic forms).
In Hungarian, when two characters are put together to make a different sound, they are considered only one letter - for example, sz is one consonant that makes the sound [s] - a digraph. This is 'doubled' by writing ssz (rather than szsz), pronounced [sː]. The other digraphs cs, dz, gy, ly, ny, ty and zs work the same way: ccs, ddz, ggy, lly, nny, tty and zzs, respectively. The only Hungarian trigraph, dzs, can be geminated by ddzs. (B, c, d, etc. - 'bb', 'cc', 'dd', and so on.) The only digraph in Luganda, ny /ɲ/ is doubled in the same way: nny /ɲː/.
In Italian, the sound [kw] (represented by the letter Q) is always doubled by writing cq, except only in the word soqquadro where the letter Q is doubled.
Doubled orthographic consonants do not always indicate a long phonetic consonant. In English, for example, the [n] sound of "running" is not lengthened. Consonant digraphs are used in English to indicate the preceding vowel is a 'lax' vowel, while a single letter often allows a 'tense' vowel to occur. For example, "tapping" /tæpɪŋ/ (from "tap") has a "short A" /æ/, which is distinct from the diphthong "long A" /eɪ/ in "taping" /teɪpɪŋ/ (from "tape"). In Modern Greek, doubled orthographic consonants have no phonetic significance at all.
Catalan uses the raised dot to distinguish a geminated l from a palatal ll. Thus, paral·lel ("parallel") and Llull .

Consonant Cluster.(wikipedia)

In linguistics, a consonant cluster (or consonant blend) is a group of consonants which have no intervening vowel. In English, for example, the groups /spl/ and /ts/ are consonant clusters in the word splits.
Some linguists argue that the term can only be properly applied to those consonant clusters that occur within one syllable. Others contend that consonant clusters are more useful as a definition when they may occur across syllable boundaries. According to the former definition, the longest consonant clusters in the word extra would be /kst/ and /str/, whereas the latter allows /kstr/. The German word Angstschweiß (fear sweat) is another good example.
Consonant clusters in loanwords
Consonant clusters occurring in loanwords do not necessarily follow the cluster limits set by the borrowing language's phonotactics. The Ubykh language's root psta, a loan from Adyghe(阿迪格), violates Ubykh's rule of no more than two initial consonants; also, the English words sphere, sphinx, Greek loans, violate the restraint that two fricatives may not appear adjacently word-initially.
註：Ubykh languages: a language of the Northwestern Caucasian (高加索) group.
Consonant clusters in English
In English, the longest possible initial cluster is three terms, as in split; the longest possible final cluster is four terms, as in twelfths, bursts and glimpsed.
However, it is important to distinguish clusters and digraphs. Clusters are made of two or more consonant sounds, while a digraph is a group of two consonant letters standing for only one sound. For example, in the word ship, the two letters "s" and "h" together represent the single consonant [ʃ]. Also note a combination digraph and cluster as seen in "lightning" with three terms: and ; or "length": .
Consonant clusters crosslinguistically
Languages' phonotactics differ as to what consonant clusters they permit.
Many languages do not permit consonant clusters at all.
(1) Maori(毛利語) and Pirahã, for instance, don't permit any two consecutive consonants in a word.
註1：The Māori (commonly pronounced /mɑɔːri/) are the indigenous Polynesian people of Aotearoa (New Zealand).
註2：An indigenous people of Amazonas, Brazil, who live along the Maici river, a tributary of the Amazon.
(2)Japanese is almost as strict, but it allows clusters of consonant plus /j/ as in Tokyo, the name of the capital city. Across a syllable boundary, it also allows a cluster of a nasal consonant plus another consonant, as in Honshū (the name of the largest island) and tempura.
(3)A great many of the languages of the world are more restrictive than English in terms of consonant clusters; almost every Malayo-Polynesian language permits either one-term clusters or slight variations on a theme. Tahitian(大溪地語), Fijian(斐濟語), Samoan(薩摩亞語) and Hawaiian(夏威夷語) are all of this sort. Standard
(4)Arabic does not permit initial consonant clusters, or more than two consecutive consonants in other positions; neither do most other Semitic languages(閃米特語言). Finnish has initial consonant clusters natively only on South-Western dialects and on foreign loans, and only clusters of three inside the word are allowed. Most spoken languages and dialects, however, are more permissive.
(5)At the other end of the scale, the Kartvelian languages(卡特維爾語言。包括喬治亞語、斯萬語、明格列爾語及拉茲語，通行於高加索山脈主脈以南地區。) of Georgia are drastically more permissive of consonant clustering. Clusters in Georgian of four, five or six terms are not unusual - for instance, brt'q'eli (flat), mc'vrtneli (trainer) and prckvna (peeling) - and if grammatical affixes are used, it allows an eight-term cluster: gvbrdγvnis (he's plucking us). Consonants cannot appear as syllable nuclei in Georgian, so this syllable is analysed as CCCCCCCCVC.
(6)Some Slavic languages such as Slovak(斯洛伐克語) may manifest formidable numbers of consecutive consonants, such as in the words štvrť, zmrzlina, žblnknutie, but the consonants /r/ and /l/ can form syllable nuclei in Slovak, and behave phonologically as vowels in this case. Another notable word is the Croatian(克羅埃西亞語) word opskrbljivanje (supplying) (though note that, like nj, lj is a single consonant here: [lʲ]).
(7)Some Salishan languages(薩利什語言) exhibit long words with no vowels at all, such as the Nuxálk word xłp̓x̣ʷłtłpłłskʷc̓: he had had a bunchberry plant. It is extremely difficult to accurately classify which of these consonants may be acting as the syllable nucleus, and these languages challenge classical notions of exactly what constitutes a syllable.

宇多田ヒカル《Flavor Of Life》

歌手：宇多田ヒカル
作詞：Utada Hikaru
作曲：Utada Hikaru
「ありがとう」と 君 に言わ れ ると
a ri ga to u to kimi ni i wa re ru to
謝 謝 你 說
→當你對我說了「謝謝」之後
な ん だ か 切 な い
na n da ka setsu na i
不知道為什麼 難過
→總覺得難過
さよ うなら の 後 も 解 けぬ魔法
sa yo u na ra no ato mo to ke nu mahou
再見 之後 也 解除 否定詞 魔法
→說再見之後，魔法也沒有解除
淡 く ほろ 苦 い
awa ku ho ro niga i
淡淡 苦澀
→有點淡淡的苦澀
The flavor of life, The flavor of life.

友達 で も 恋人 で も な い中間地点 で
tomodachi de mo koibito de mo na i chukantiten de
既非朋友 既非戀人 中間點 介系詞
→在既非朋友也非戀人的中間點
收穫 の日を 夢見 て る 青 い フ ルーツ
syukaku no hi wo yumemi te ru ao i fu ru tsu
收穫的日子 格助詞 夢想 進行式 青的 水果
→夢想收穫的日子，未成熟的水果
あと 一歩 が 踏 み出 せな い せいで Yeah
a to ippo ga fu mi da se na i se i de
還有 一步 踏出 否定詞 緣故 因為
→結果都是因為無法踏出這一步
じれっ た いの な ん の っ てbaby Ah (本句待確認)
「ありがとう」と 君 に言わ れ ると
a ri ga to u to kimi ni i wa re ru to
謝 謝 你 說
→當你對我說了「謝謝」之後
な ん だ か 切 な い
na n da ka setsu na i
不知道為什麼 難過
→總覺得難過
さよ うなら の 後 も 解 けぬ魔法
sa yo u na ra no ato mo to ke nu mahou
再見 之後 也 解除否定詞 魔法
→說再見之後，魔法也沒有解除
淡 く ほろ 苦 い
awa ku ho ro niga i
淡淡 苦澀
→有點淡淡的苦澀
The flavor of life, The flavor of life.

甘 いだ けの 誘 い 文句
ama i da ke no saso i monku
甜的 只有 誘惑 話語
→甜蜜誘惑的字句
味気 の な いトー ク
ajike no na i to ku
沒有味道 毒藥(不確定)
→是枯燥乏味的毒藥
そ ん な 物 には 興味 も そそ ら れ な い
so n na mono ni wa kyoumi mo soso ra re na i
那樣的東西 介系詞 興趣 也 引起 能 不
(無法引起)
→那樣的東西也無法引起我的興趣
思 い通 り に いか な い 時 だ っ て Yeah
omo i to ri ni i ka na i toki da te
所想的 按照 不能 儘管
→儘管不能按照心中所想的去做
人生 捨てたも ん じゃ な いっ て Ah
jin sei su te ta mo n jya na i te
人生 捨棄 東西 不是
→並非要捨棄人生
ど う し た の と 急 に 聞 かれると
do u shi ta no to kyuu ni ki ka re ru to
怎麼樣 急 格助詞 被問 一…就…
→當你問我怎麼了
ううん、何 で も な い
uun nan de mo na i
沒事
→我說：嗯嗯，沒事

さ よう ならの 後 に 消える笑顔
sa yo u na ra no ato ni ki e ru egao
再見 之後 消失 笑臉
→說完再見之後消失的笑臉
私 ら し くない
watashi ra shi ku na i
像我 否定詞
→並不像我
信 じた いと 願え ば 願う ほど
shin ji ta i to negae ba nega u ho do
相信 想 越是希望…越是…
→越是希望讓自己相信
な ん だ か 切 な い
na n da ka setsu na i
不知道為什麼 難過
→總覺得難過
「愛し てる」よ よりも 「大好き」のほうが
ai shi te ru yo yo ri mo dai su ki no ho u ga
我愛你 更 最喜歡你
→比起說「我愛你」,說「最喜歡你」
君 ら し いん じ ゃ ない
kimi ra shi i n jya na i
像你 類似英文”isn’t it”
→這才更像你，不是嗎？
The flavor of life
忘 れか ていた 人 の 温 も りを 突然 思 い 出 す 頃
wasu re ka te i ta hito no o mo ri wo totsuzen omo i da su goro
忘記 進行式 過去式 人 溫度 突然 回憶 時候
(忘 記)
→突然回憶起那個快被忘記的人
降 り 積 も る 雪 の 白 さを も っ と 素直 に 喜 びでいよう
fu ri tsu mo ru yuki no shiro sa wo mo to sunao ni yorokobi de i you
更 不加修飾地 喜悅
→想起片片積雪的白，老實說，令人無法開心
ダイア モ ンド よ りも 軟 ら かく て
da i a mo n do yo ri mo yawa ra ka ku te
diamond鑽石 比 軟
温 かな 未来 手 に したいよ
atata ka na mirai te ni shita i yo
溫暖的 未來 手介系詞
→比起鑽石，將柔軟且溫暖的未來放在手心
限 り ある 時間 を 君 と 過 ご し たい
kagi ri a ru jikan wo kimi to su go shi ta i
極限 有 時間 和 相處 想要
→在有限的時間內，只想要和你相處 http://www.youtube.com/watch?v=46mSRnvbpIE